Age: 57 |
Birth City: آبادان |
Joined on October 02, 2012
Over the last decade, we have become a strong community of human rights defenders, activists, and most importantly, friends. We collaborate, support, and continue to push one another to achieve our highest goal of human rights in Iran. We are so fortunate to work with movement leaders and members of our community, and below are some words they shared about U4I and our 10 year anniversary.
This work would simply not be possible without you. Individual support advances and sustains our programs — from tracking human rights abuses with the Iran Prison Atlas to developing technology to empower Iranians to better their lives through the IranCubator project.
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Assyrian International News Service: On July 17, 2019, Iranian Assyrian human rights activist Dabrina Bet Tamraz was part of a delegation of survivors of religious persecution that met with United States President Donald Trump.
Her father Victor Bet Tamraz, her mother Shamiran Issavi, and her brother Rameil Bet Tamraz face lengthy prison sentences in Iran for charges related to the practice of their Christian faith.
In the meeting with the President, Bet Tamraz asked that the United States help promote religious freedom in Iran and bring awareness to her family's plight.
"Mr. President, I'm part of a Christian minority from Iran; my family [is] being persecuted in Iran...We would appreciate it if you would mention my family but also Christian persecution in Iran in negotiations with or about Iran," she said.
The President responded saying, "I'm going to get the information [about their cases]. I will."
Bet Tamraz also hand-delivered this letter to the President's Chief of Staff, drawing attention to the challenges facing Assyrians in the various countries that comprise their homeland. The letter was signed by a coalition of organizations that included the Assyrian Aid Society - Iraq, the Iraqi Christian Relief Council, the Assyrian American Association of Southern California, and the Assyrian Policy Institute.
Earlier in the day, Dabrina Bet Tamraz spoke about her experiences at the U.S. State Department Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom.
CHRI: Imprisoned Iranian-British citizen Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe has been held in the psychiatric ward of the Imam Khomeini Hospital in Tehran since July 15, 2019, according to the Free Nazanin campaign.
Throughout this time she has been denied contact with her family and guarded by agents of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
“I was healthy and happy when I came to Iran to see my parents,” said Zaghari-Ratcliffe prior to her hospitalization, according to a statement by the Free Nazanin campaign dated July 16, 2019. “Three and a bit years later and I am admitted to a mental health clinic.”
Zaghari-Ratcliffe, who has been imprisoned in Iran on unspecific espionage charges since April 2016 after being arrested by the IRGC’s intelligence organization, had requested hospitalization on the recommendation of a doctor for the severe mental and physical deterioration she has experienced while held in Evin Prison, according to the campaign.
However, her requests to maintain contact with her five-year-old daughter and parents, both based in Tehran, as well as her London-based husband, were not honored after she was taken to the hospital.
Her father was denied contact with her on July 16 and was unable to establish what treatment she has been receiving, or the IRGC’s agenda in being involved in her medical care.
Zaghari-Ratcliffe’s transfer to the hospital comes on the heels of the two-week-long hunger strike she and her husband, Richard Ratcliffe, both undertook in June 2019.
“Nazanin hoped that her hunger strike would move the Iranian authorities, and it clearly has,” said Ratcliffe in the Free Nazanin campaign statement that was sent to the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI).
“Hopefully her transfer to a hospital means that she is getting treatment and care, despite my distrust of just what pressures can happen behind closed doors,” he added. “It is unnerving when we don’t know what is going on.”
Her family is concerned about a potential “cocktail of drugs and treatments that might be used in coordination with ongoing pressures on Nazanin to sign or film something,” said the Free Nazanin Campaign.
During the second week of her hunger strike, IRGC agents had threatened Zaghari-Ratcliffe with more imprisonment and pressured her to spy for Iran upon being freed, as well as write a denouncement of the British government, noted the campaign.
Requests that Zaghari-Ratcliffe be allowed contact with her family members or a representative of the British embassy in Tehran have been denied.
On July 10, the UN listed Zaghari-Ratcliffe among a group of prisoners in Iran who have been repeatedly denied adequate medical treatment.
“Over several months we have communicated to the Iranian government our deep concerns about the physical and mental integrity of detainees,” UN experts said in a statement.
“Despite government assurances, we are frustrated to still receive reports of denial of medical treatment, including in life-threatening situations,” they added. “These no longer appear to be isolated incidents, but a consistent pattern.”
Zaghari-Ratcliffe has been requesting medical treatment to be administered outside the prison since January 2019, when she went on a joint hunger strike with imprisoned human rights defender Narges Mohammadi.
Both women are held in the Women’s Ward of Evin Prison, where the infirmary is dirty and lacking in supplies and medical specialists.
Now Zaghari-Ratcliffe has been denied access to her loved ones while held incommunicado in a hospital. To date, her family has never been allowed to see her medical records despite frequent requests, according to the campaign.
“Even now it still seems like games of power and control are being played by the Iranian authorities – even at the point of hospitalization,” said Ratcliffe.
An employee of the London-based Thomson Reuters Foundation charity, Zaghari-Ratcliffe has been eligible for release since November 2017 based on Article 58 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code, which states that courts can issue an order of conditional release after a convict has served one-third of their sentence.
In July 2018, a judge reportedly told Zaghari-Ratcliffe that she was being held as a bargaining chip by the Iranian government to convince London to pay Tehran an old debt.
With every step, she risks harassment or even arrest by Iran's morality police whose job is to enforce the strict dress code imposed after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
"I have to confess it is really, really scary," the 30-year-old fire-safety consultant said in a WhatsApp audio message, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions.
But she is also hopeful, saying she believes the authorities find it increasingly difficult to suppress protests as more women join in. "They are running after us, but cannot catch us," she said. "This is why we believe change is going to be made."
The hijab debate has further polarized Iranians at a time when the country is buckling under unprecedented U.S. sanctions imposed since the Trump administration pulled out of a 2015 nuclear deal between Iran and world powers last year. It's unclear to what extent the government can enforce hijab compliance amid an economic malaise, including a currency collapse and rising housing prices.
There's anecdotal evidence that more women are pushing back against the dress code, trying to redefine red lines as they test the response of the ruling Shiite Muslim clergy and their security agencies.
An Associated Press reporter spotted about two dozen women in the streets without a hijab over the course of nine days, mainly in well-to-do areas of Tehran — a mall, a lakeside park, a hotel lobby.
Many other women, while stopping short of outright defiance, opted for loosely draped colorful scarves that show as much hair as they cover. Even in Tehran's Grand Bazaar, frequented by many traditional women, most female shoppers wore these casual hijabs. Still, a sizeable minority of women was covered head-to-toe in black robes and tightly pulled headscarves, the so-called chador.
The struggle against compulsory headscarves first made headlines in December 2017 when a woman climbed atop a utility box in Tehran's Revolution Street, waving her hijab on a stick. More than three dozen protesters have been detained since, including nine who are currently in detention, said Masih Alinejad, an Iranian activist who now lives in New York.
Despite attempts to silence protesters, public debate has intensified, amplified by social media.
Last month, a widely watched online video showed a security agent grab an unveiled teenage girl and violently push her into the back of a police car, prompting widespread criticism.
President Hassan Rouhani and Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, have supported a softer attitude toward women who don't comply with the official dress code. However, hard-liners opposed to such easing have become more influential as the nuclear deal is faltering.
They have called for harsh punishment, even lashes, arguing that allowing women to show their hair leads to moral decay and the disintegration of families. The judiciary recently urged Iranians to inform on women without hijabs by sending photos and videos to designated social media accounts.
"The more women dress in an openly sexual way, the less we'll have social peace, while facing a higher crime rate," Minoo Aslani, head of the women's branch of the paramilitary Basij group, told a rally last week.
Another gathering was attended by several thousand women in chadors. One held up a sign reading, "The voluntary hijab is a plot by the enemy."
Reformist lawmaker Parvaneh Salahshouri said coercion does not work. "What we see is that the morality police have been a failure," said Salahshouri, who wears a headscarf out of religious belief.
Changing hijab rules through legislation is unlikely because of the constraints on parliament, she said.
Instead, women should engage in non-violent civil disobedience, Salahshouri said. She cautioned that it's a slow, difficult road, but that "Iranian women have not given up their efforts."
The hijab controversy goes back to the mid-1930s when police forced women to take off their hijabs, part of a Westernization policy by then-Shah Reza Pahlavi. Under his son and successor, women could choose. Western apparel was common among the elite.
A 2018 survey by a parliament research center indicates that most women wear a casual hijab and only 13% opt for a chador.
Attitudes have changed. In 1980, two-thirds believed women should wear hijabs. Today, fewer than 45% approve of government intervention in the issue, the research said.
Iran has seen waves of anti-government protests, including an outcry after a 2009 election many contended was stolen by hard-liners. Those with economic grievances frequently protest.
Alinejad, the activist, argued the campaign against forced hijabs carries symbolic weight, saying that mandatory headscarves were "the symbol that the Iranian government used to take the whole society hostage."
In recent years, she has posted videos and photos of activists, including of women filming themselves as they walk in the streets without a headscarf. Alinejad said she receives more than 20 images a day, but posts only some.
The activists in Iran take risks.
In March, human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, who has represented female protesters, was sentenced to 38.5 years in prison, of which she must serve 12, according to her husband.
In April, activists Yasaman Aryani, her mother Monireh Arabshahi and Mojgan Keshavarz were arrested after posting a video showing them without headscarves in the Tehran metro. In the video, they distributed flowers to female passengers and spoke of a day when women have the freedom to choose.
Amnesty International said Monday that Iranian authorities have used incommunicado detentions, prolonged solitary confinement and threats against family members to coerce detained activists to retract their opposition to forced veiling in video-taped "confessions." The group said it had detected such a pattern in six cases since April.
Some activists maneuver carefully.
The 30-year-old fire-safety consultant said she tries to avoid policemen when she walks the streets without a hijab. She said she grudgingly complies with the dress code when she delivers lectures or sings in a mixed choir — activities she would otherwise be barred from.
At the high-end Palladium Mall in northern Tehran, several shoppers casually ignored a sign reminding customers that the hijab is mandatory. One woman only pulled up her scarf, which was draped around her shoulders, when she stepped into an elevator and found herself next to a security guard.
Nearby, 20-year-old Paniz Masoumi sat on the stone steps of a plaza. She had dyed some of her hair blue, but kept that funky patch hidden under a loose scarf.
She said police recently impounded her car for two weeks, fining her amid claims that a traffic camera snapped her with a below-standard hijab.
If hijabs were voluntary, she'd throw off hers, Masoumi said. But for now, "I am not looking for trouble."